Why I support HCMC’s firm stance against the sex trade (Opinion).

Ho Chi Minh City’s decision to tighten oversight of service businesses—requiring formal commitments against prostitution and the online sex trade, and holding local wards accountable for enforcement—is both necessary and overdue.

According to Tuoi Tre (21 December 2025), the city has moved to strengthen compliance requirements for service establishments as part of a broader effort to curb prostitution and online sex trade activity, with ward-level authorities now explicitly responsible for enforcement. The same report notes that inspections of more than 1,600 establishments uncovered nearly 300 violations, resulting in fines totalling over VNĐ3.4 billion (approximately US$130,000) (Tuoi Tre, 21 Dec 2025).

This is not a symbolic gesture. It is a clear policy signal that authorities intend to treat the sex trade not as an unfortunate but tolerable by-product of tourism, but as a social harm requiring sustained regulatory attention and administrative accountability.

I fully support this move.

Vietnam stands at an important juncture in its development as a regional tourism and services hub. The country has invested heavily in positioning itself as a safe, welcoming, and family-friendly destination—known for culture, cuisine, history, manufacturing, education, and healthcare, rather than for exploitation. Allowing the sex trade to become further embedded in the urban service economy would undermine that trajectory in ways that are difficult to reverse.

The Tuoi Tre report makes clear that this is not a marginal issue. The scale of inspections and the volume of violations identified point to a systemic problem rather than a handful of isolated breaches (Tuoi Tre, 21 Dec 2025). Where such activity becomes normalised, international experience suggests it rarely remains confined to “consenting adults” operating in neatly defined venues. Instead, it tends to attract organised crime, facilitate human trafficking, and intersect with drug distribution and financial exploitation. In these environments, the most vulnerable—migrants, the poor, and those with limited economic options—bear the greatest risks.

This is not a moralistic argument, nor is it an argument against tourism. It is an argument about the kind of tourism Vietnam wants to cultivate.

A sustainable tourism sector depends on trust: families feeling safe to travel, investors confident in regulatory predictability, and local communities believing that economic development works for them rather than against them. Once a city acquires a reputation—fairly or unfairly—as a sex tourism destination, that trust erodes, and rebuilding it can take decades.

Ho Chi Minh City’s approach is also notable for its institutional design. By requiring businesses to sign formal commitments, expanding inspections, and assigning clear responsibility to ward-level authorities, the policy shifts from episodic crackdowns to ongoing governance. As Tuoi Tre reports, this framework is intended to make enforcement routine rather than reactive, and to close the gap between regulation on paper and compliance in practice (Tuoi Tre, 21 Dec 2025).

Critics will argue that stricter enforcement risks pushing the problem underground. That risk exists in any regulatory environment. But the alternative—tacit tolerance—creates a far worse outcome: a parallel economy that grows more organised, more profitable, and more harmful over time. Effective enforcement, combined with social support measures and viable economic alternatives for at-risk workers, remains the only credible long-term strategy.

There is also a broader regional dimension. Southeast Asia has spent decades trying to move beyond stereotypes that reduce complex societies to cheap playgrounds for foreign consumption. Vietnam, in particular, has made significant progress in presenting itself as a country of innovation, education, manufacturing, healthcare, and culture. Allowing the sex trade to expand unchecked would cut directly against that national narrative and policy ambition.

Importantly, this is not an anti-tourism position. It is a pro-sustainable tourism position. Visitors who come for business, culture, family travel, education, or medical care are more likely to return, to invest, and to recommend Vietnam to others. They are also more likely to respect local communities rather than treat them as disposable backdrops for consumption.

Policy is ultimately about choices. Ho Chi Minh City is choosing to draw a clear line: development should not be built on exploitation, and economic growth should not come at the cost of social harm. On the evidence reported by Tuoi Tre, this is a serious, system-level attempt to enforce that principle rather than merely gesture toward it (Tuoi Tre, 21 Dec 2025).

Vietnam does not need to follow paths that other destinations have come to regret. It can—and should—continue building a reputation as a safe, confident, forward-looking country that welcomes the world without selling its social foundations in the process.

2 responses to “Why I support HCMC’s firm stance against the sex trade (Opinion).”

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